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DISCOURSE 



PREACHED IX 



THE PLYMOUTH CONGREGATIONAL CHURCH 

OF CHICAGO, 
SABBATH AFTERNOON, JUNE 1, 1856, 

BY THE PASTOR; 

REV. J. E. ROY. 



PUBLISHED BY VOTE OF THE CHURCH. 



PRIXTED &Y 

WRIGHT, MED1LL, DAY & CO., TRIBUTE OFFICE. 
1856. 



$nm~~\tx Sintggk att& \n *§thni 



DISCOURSE 



PREACHED IN 



THE PLYMOUTH CONGREGATIONAL CHURCH 



OF CHICAGO, 



SABBATH AFTERNOON, JUNE 1, 1856, 



BY THE PASTOR, 

X 

v- 

REV. j/e?ROY. 



PUBLISHED BY VOTE OE THE CHUKCH. 



PRt\TED HY 

WRIGHT, MEDILL, DAY & CO., TRIBUNE OFFICE. 
1856. 



KANSAS; 

HER STRUGGLE AND HER DEFENSE. 



"And the king of the South shall be moved with choler, and shall come forth 
and figiit with him, eves with the king of the north ; and at the time of the 
end shall the king of the south push at him, and the king of the north shall 
come against him like a whirlwind, with chariots, and with horsemen, and 
with many ships, and he shall enteb into the countries and shall overflow 
and pass over." — Dan. xi, 11, 40. 

In this chapter the prophet foretells with great accuracy 
the mighty conquests of Alexander, the division of his 
realm, at his death, not in his family, but among his four 
generals, and then the final subsidence of these four em- 
pires into two great rivals. These two kingdoms were 
Egypt and Syria, with their dependencies. Egypt was 
ruled by the line of kings called the "Ptolemies," and 
Syria by the " Selencidse," the sons of Selencus. Egypt, 
from its location, was called the South, and Syria the 
North. In this chapter the prophet further describes the 
continual contests going on between the South kingdom 
and the North kingdom, through several generations of 
kings. Our text represents the South as offensive and 
ao'oressive, and the North at first forbearing, at last roused 

Co C 1 / 

up, and then overwhelmingly victorious in defense and 
protection. 



KANSAS — HER STRUGGLE 



You already understand my theme to be " The Strug- 
gle between Freedom and Slavery, between the South 
and the North." 

Such a struggle exists; it began long since, and has 
only been increasing in strength and desperation up to 
the present time. Though some have denied the fact, 
and others, knowing it, have endeavored to ignore it, yet 
now it has become the most evident fact in our national 
history. At the present time no issue elicits so much 
thought, and talk, and planning as this. No issue among 
the American people concentrates so much of energy and 
determination as this. It is the question which now sways 
the American mind to one side or the other. 

Political parties are just now expending all their skill 
and power to bring the entire mass of the voters in the 
country into rank and file upon one side or the other of 
this line. The press, both religious and secular, either 
by its warm advocacy or by its neutral favorings, is for 
freedom or for slavery, and just in proportion to its ear- 
nestness and its distinctive character is it considered up 
with the spirit of the times. In the commercial world, 
cotton is versus independence, and the cotton king rules 
with an iron scepter. In the church, this is the great 
question that agitates Conference, and Assembly, and 
Association. During the last two weeks this bone of con- 
tention has been picked by the three largest ecclesiastical 
bodies in the United States. All our benevolent publish- 
ing and missionary institutions are rocking upon this rest- 
less volcano. And now, at last, the evidence has come 
that must convince the most skeptical of the existence 
of this struggle, and that must quickly determine the 
position of even the most conservative. We are reminded 
of the old injunction, "the king's business demands haste." 



AND HER DEFENSE. 



Whether we muster under the king of the South or the 
king of the North must now be speedily decided. The 
recent outrages in Kansas and in the United States Sen- 
ate are only the text taken for this occasion, out of a long 
chapter upon this very subject, from the book of our 
national history. 

Then, to understand the text well, though it is so evi- 
dently self-interpreting, we must study the context. If 
we would get the full force and expression of the pas- 
sage, we must view it in its relation to the whole subject; 
we must consider its author, its spirit and its times. It 
will not bethe effort of this discourse to excite horror and 
indignation in your minds at the commission of such out- 
rageous crimes. That were a work of supererogation. I 
doubt not your cheeks already tingle with shame and your 
righteous indignation burns in your breasts. This hum- 
ble effort would rather seek to help us to a clearer under- 
standing of the struggle now going on, and to decide in a 
calm and deliberate manner our solemn responsibilities in 
the same. No man is fit to engage in this contest until 
he has stanched his anger and concentrated his energy, 
physical, mental and moral, upon the mighty issue. 

Taking, then, these occurrences as our text, let us go 
back to the beginning of the chapter and trace the thread 
of connection up to the present crisis. 

It is no weary journey through tomes of history and 
tradition, back to our Freedom's birtli-day. Our fathers, or 
our fathers' fathers, rocked the cradle of the infant Inde- 
pendence, and they have told the story to us. How that 
her mother, like the woman in the Apocalypse, was driven 
from her native home into the wilderness, "where she 
had a place prepared of God," to bring forth her child — 
how that, in the midst of deprivation, and persecution, 



6 KANSAS— HER STRUGGLE 

and sorrow, her birth-pangs were long and heart-rending. 
They have told us of their joy over their first-born, such 
as none but those who have felt it can know. They have 
told us of the toil, and hardship, and execration which 
was heaped upon them by their cruel step-father, and how 
he tried to kill them, just because they would call the 
child their own. 

But now, would God that I could take a garment upon 
my shoulders, and go backward, and cover the disgrace of 
that day. Our fathers were ashamed of it; they would 
have hidden the fact forever, if they could. A foundling 
was left at their door — the offering of Despotism was im- 
posed upon them, to be adopted along with the child of 
Freedom. They were of entirely different natures; there 
was no likeness between them; they were antagonistic, 
and, like the sons of the patriarch, they were first found 
one having his hand upon the heel of the other, and how 
true has been the prediction in both cases, " the one shall 
be stronger than the other, and the elder shall serve the 
younger." 

Our fathers knew not what to do; they had not cour- 
age to kill the thing, though they tried their best to do 
so, while some demanded that he should live. And so 
they made the first compromise ; they would not kill him 
right out, but they refused to christen him, and so his 
name does not appear in the Constitution; and they also 
refused to make any provision for his support or protec- 
tion, but they even resolved to put him on such a regimen 
that they supposed he would absolutely die out in about 
twenty years; they cut off the foreign supply and really 
thought that would be the best and surest way to get rid 
of the creature. 

Such was the origin of Freedom and of Slavery, and 



AND HER DEFENSE. 



such were the feelings in regard to them. Slavery existed 
here, not by any agreement of the men of the Revolution, 
but in spite of and against their protest. The system 
was not indigenous to the American soil; it was an exotic; 
it belonged to monorchism. No one need think that the 
Puritans came through what they did to forge fetters for 
human limbs. They had a sublimer mission; it was, to 
found here what the world had never seen — a church 
without a pope and a State without a king. Even in the 
Southern States there was then more or less of opposition 
to the system. In Prince George's County, Virginia, 
June, 1774, a general meeting resolved "that the African 
slave trade is injurious to the colony, because it obstructs 
the population of it by freemen, prevents manufacturers 
and other useful people from settling, and occasions an 
annual increase in the balance of trade against the colony." 
Because it obstructs the population of it by freemen ! 
How wonderfully has that been verified to this day. At 
a similar meeting in Fairfax County, Virginia, about that 
time, George Washington in the chair, it was "resolved 
that it is the opinion of this meeting, that during our pre- 
sent difficulties and distress, no slaves ought to be im- 
ported into any of the British colonies; and in this con- 
nection, we take this opportunity of declaring our most 
earnest wish to see an entire stop put to such a wicked, 
cruel and unnatural trade." They had no idea of putting 
it under the perpetual safeguard of the Union. Similar 
views were declared by the State of Georgia, in 1775, 
condemning the whole system of slavery. An address 
was sent to the king, remonstrating against the traffic in 
slaves, and signed by the representatives of each of the 
colonies ; and among these names was that of the immortal 
Washington. 



KANSAS — HER STRUGGLE 



Mr. Madison, who is sometimes called the Father of 
the Constitution, when an attempt was made to introduce 
slavery into the Constitution, said: "It must not be so, 
because we intend this Constitution to be the great char- 
ter of human liberty to the unborn millions who shall 
enjoy its protection, and who should never see that such 
an institution as slavery was ever known in our midst." 
And it was not done. Those men never dreamed of per- 
petuating slavery, much less of giving it a home in the 
Constitution. They knew that slavery was a lie; they 
meant that it should cease. Upon the very bell which 
called those old men together in Independence Hall, at 
Philadelphia, and which still hangs there, I have read 
these words, inscribed : " Proclaim liberty throughout all 
the land, to all the inhabitants thereof." Such was the 
prevailing spirit of those times, which was reaffirmed in 
1789, when Congress unanimously ordained that slavery 
or involuntary servitude should be forever excluded from 
all the territory they then had, viz: all that north-west 
of the Ohio river. It was that wise ordinance that has 
secured the blessing of liberty, and prosperity, and great- 
ness to the States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan and 
Wisconsin. 

Meantime, the value of the productions of slave labor, 
sugar and cotton, was very much enhanced, and this 
became a stimulus to those who already held slaves to 
hold on to them. Besides, a rivalry for political ascend- 
ancy began to appear, such that there was now a desire 
to add new States to each of the respective classes, the 
slave-holding and non-slave-holding States. And then 
the prohibition of the slave trade did not work so effect- 
ually as they expected in diminishing slavery, for it con- 
tinued to grow. Now the antagonism manifest itself. 



AND HER DEFENSE. 9 



Louisiana, already having slavery under its old French 
organization, is demanded as a slave State, and was so 
received. Then came up the question of receiving the 
Territory of Missouri as a State : Shall it be free or slave? 
The House and the free States said free, and the Senate 
and the slave States said slave. Freedom and Slavery 
grappled, the former claiming the spirit of the fathers and 
the Constitution, and the precedent of the North-West 
Territory, the latter claiming its equal right and furiously 
demanding it. Here Freedom crippled and Slavery gained 
a victory. Before, the whole was consecrated to liberty; 
now, only half, and half disconsecrateel to Slaveiy. Maine 
was received a non-slave-holding and Missouri a slave- 
holding State, and provision was made for the future upon 
the same scale — all below 36° 30' for Slaveiy, and all 
above for Freedom. 

Now Slavery takes courage and gloats upon the idea 
of supremacy in the government. It was once sectional, 
and expected itself to die; now it awakes with the sud- 
den ambition of becoming national and perpetual. And 
forthwith Florida must be bought of Spain, and then an 
exterminating warfare carried on against the Indians 
there, to make more room to work and whip the wretched 
slave. And scarcely is this accomplished when plans are 
put on foot to rescue from Mexico the province of Texas, 
to make it a slave plantation. Now, again, Freedom 
rouses; she remonstrates, she makes a feeble resistance, 
but all to no avail. Texas was received into the Union 
with slavery perpetual and provision for four new slave 
States, to be carved out of her territory. Then a quar- 
rel was picked with Mexico, by provocation and aggres- 
sion, in order to acquire new soil to satisfy the increasing 



10 KANSAS — HER STRUGGLE 

demand of the slave power. Freedom resisted, but was 
again overcome. 

With the meanness and insolence of tyranny, the slave 
power compelled the government to refuse to acknowledge 
the independence of Hayti, where slaves have become 
freemen. 

This slave system has forced our government to seek 
compensation for slaves escaped to foreign countries, or 
else to seek the surrender of fugitives, thus ignobly bow- 
ing our American institutions to assert in foreign coun- 
tries the right of traffic in human flesh. This slave- 
ocracy, having once disavowed the foreign slave trade, 
has all the while kept up the infamous home slave trade, 
and now, with its increasing insolence, demands the 
restoration of the old hellish commerce. 

Waxing powerful, it dared to enter the halls of Con- 
gress and lay its ruffian hand upon the right of petition. 
Freedom resisted, and John Quincy Adams made his 
name immortal, if by nothing else, by his triumph, alone, 
in spite of censure, and persecution, and exposure of life. 
But even this victory was sought to be overthrown, a 
short time since, when three thousand respectable citizens 
of New England dared to use the right of petition. Then, 
as if to outrage all humanity, to violate the Constitution, 
and to compel the very citizens of the North to become 
slave hunters, and to make our broad, free domain a slave 
hunting ground, the Fugitive Slave Law was forced upon 
us, that denies these fundamental principles of our gov- 
ernment, trial by jury and habeas corpus. Here, too, the 
North come to a stand, but was over-mastered by the 
despotism of the South. 

Then is renewed the struggle upon the Missouri Com- 
promise. Heretofore the South had received all her 



AND HER DEFENSE. 11 

advantage from that compromise, and the North had 
received nothing but the nominal possession of a howling 
wilderness, inhabited only by wild animals and savages. 
But now Ahab looks over into the vineyard of Naboth; 
it is near his domain; it is a fertile region; emigration 
begins to pour in; and Ahab, in violation of all right, and 
in violation of a solemn compact, robs his neighbor. Here 
the North again resisted, with remonstrance, and petition, 
and appeal, and press, and pulpit, and forum, but all to 
no avail. As always before, the victory turned upon the 
side of oppression. Mark, here, another step of usurpa- 
tion in regard to the national territory. At first, not a 
foot of national domain under slavery; then, the ordi- 
nance of '87 consecrated every foot of newly acquired 
territory to perpetual freedom ; then, in the Missouri 
Compromise, half was given up to slavery, and now, 
by the Nebraska Act, the whole is thrown open to the 
blight, and curse, and misery of chattelhood in man. 

Now, my hearers, let us pause a moment and consider 
who it is that has done all this. Is it the thirteen mill- 
ions of freemen in the North? Is it the six millions of 
whites in the South ? Nay ; the largest share of them, 
the laboring white poor, are as abject as the very 
slaves that toil by their side. " White slaves " was the 
contemptuous term by which Gov. Robert Wickliffe, of 
Kentucky, was pleased to designate them, and so they 
are considered. 

Who, then, are the persons that usurp so much author- 
ity and sway in our government ? They are the slave- 
holders. And how many are they ? Fortunately for the 
truth, but shamefully for the cause of freedom, the last 
census reveals that the whole number of this class, men, 
women and children, all told, is only three hundred and 



12 KANSAS— HER STRUGGLE 



forty-seven thousand. Of these the larger share are small 
slave-holders, leaving only 92,000 persons as the owners 
of the great mass of slaves. 92,000 ! Less than the 
present population of Chicago ! Yet this is the power 
that has controlled our nation, and, at this very hour, is 
the supreme authority in this country. It is sometimes 
called the Black Power, or Slave Power. But Charles 
Sumner has given its proper name, the Slave Oligarchy. 
It is the government of the few, and they are the genu- 
ine specimen of Oligarchs. It is this Slave Oligarchy 
that lias made all of the encroachments upon freedom of 
which I have been speaking. It is this Slave Oligarchy 
that has brought slavery from being local to being claimed 
as national. It is this Slave Oligarchy that has perverted 
our government from the principles of Washington, and 
Jefferson, and Madison, and Henry to the policy of 
Pierce, and Douglas, and Atchison, and Stringfellow. It 
is this Slave Oligarchy that has elected our presidents. 
It is this that has controlled our Congress. It is this that 
has given the speakers their chairs, with one honorable 
exception in the present House. It is this Slave Oligar- 
chy that appoints our foreign ministers and places our 
judges upon the supreme bench. It is this that appoints 
all our postmasters and all our government officials. It 
is the Slave Oligarchy that compels the North, besides 
paying their own postage, to pay a large surplus for the 
deficiency of the South ; and then it is this same power 
that has robbed the mail of our letters and papers. It is 
this that subsidizes the national press. Indeed, there is 
nothing in the national government which the Slave Oli- 
garchy does not appropriate. The power that has ruled 
this nation is as pure a despotism as ever insulted God 
or man. 



AND HER DEFENSE. 13 

Such is the nature of slavery, and such has ever been 
its legitimate working. The recent atrocities in Kansas 
and in Washington, that have electrified the people of the 
North by a double shock from the east and from the west, 
are but the natural working out of the system of slavery. 
These outrages are simply another step in the develop- 
ment of the nature of slavery. This is not an abnormal 
or accidental occurrence, but a legitimate part of the sys- 
tem. It is but carrying out the original plot. The same 
spirit has ever existed, but it has only lacked the power 
and opportunity, which are improved upon the first 
occasion. 

Taking as data the nature of slavery and its actual 
course thus far, these later results might have been cal- 
culated long ago, with as much certainty as the astrono- 
mer fixes the time and manner of an eclipse. Given the 
terms of proportion, a boy, in arithmetic, could no more 
surely get the fourth than that this very result has fol- 
lowed from the means which have been at work. Good 
men had worked out this problem long before it came. 
They have feared, they have trembled, they have warned. 
Martyrs to American liberty are no new persons. Sup- 
pression of the free press is no new thing. 

Slavery is no more ugly and hateful now than it has 
ever been. Its nature has received no new character- 
istic. It has only taken courage by success. It has 
only grown insolent by the subserviency of the North. 
It is while the freemen have slept upon the pillow of per- 
sonal liberty that the enemy has been sowing tares, and 
now the fruit appears. The North is industrious and 
enterprising ; the South lives upon the products extorted 
from slave labor; while the North has been building roads, 
turning out manufactures, cultivating the soil, driving 



14 KANSAS— HER STRUGGLE 



commerce, securing her own comfort in schools, churches, 
and societies, and, in short, according to her natural pro- 
clivity, minding her own business, the South has spent 
all her leisure in managing and manouvering to increase 
the power of slavery and to fasten it perpetually upon 
our American institutions. We had not yet waked up to 
the extent of the influence which had already been thus 
secured by the Slave Oligarchy. We had been accus- 
tomed to consider that the unfortunate three millions of 
Africans in the South were the only subjects of Ameri- 
can slavery. This ought to have been enough, to arouse 
us to a desperate effort in their behalf; but, as this did 
not suffice, we are brought literally to feel for them as 
bound with them. The chain is to be thrown about North- 
ern freedom, and we are compelled to recognize the fact 
that slavery does exist in these United States and in the 
North, and we are compelled to see what the Slave 
Oligarchy mean to do. 

My friends, I know not how to approach this recent 
development of slavery with any appropriate terms of 
description. I know that the Slave Oligarchy of 92,000 
men are at this moment wielding the entire power of this 
National Government to advance their own designs. I 
know that the entire force of this administration is used 
in treason to liberty, and in the support of the blackest 
despotism that ever saw the sun. Hemoving the land- 
mark of liberty, 36° 30', was in contemptuous violation 
of national honor and national good faith. And when it 
was pretended that the country was thrown open to all 
alike, from the South and from the North, to choose what- 
ever institutions they might prefer, then for the govern- 
ment by its strong arm to interfere and say, as it has 
said, freedom shall not go there, slavery only shall, the 



AXD HER DEFENSE. 15 

terms hypocrisy, and meanness, and injustice don't begin 
to cover such conduct. 

When an armed invasion from a neighboring State take 
possession of the ballot box upon the day appointed for 
the sovereigns of Kansas to express their will for their 
own government ; when those freemen are driven from 
their elective franchise, the very boon for which our 
fathers bled and died ; when the legislature thus elected 
by Border Ruffians is acknowledged, and defended by 
the President in two messages to Congress, this is de- 
claring, by the national organ, that our free institutions 
are a sham and a failure, and that the usurpations of the 
slave-ocracy shall be sustained. 

The children of the North were invited by the parental 
government to go and make their homes in that wilder- 
ness, that by causing it to bud and blossom, they might 
bring honor, and wealth, and power into the national fam- 
ily, all with the implied promise of protection to person, 
property and rights — protection which the government 
was under obligation to furnish, and which has been se- 
cured to emigrants to all other territories. And what is 
more, as if to invite confidence and assurance of safety, 
there were already upon the ground old, strong and well 
known fortifications for the country, so that in case of 
invasion from the savages on the west, they would be 
guarded by this friendly protection. But, when they were 
invaded by the savages of Missouri, what must have 
been their consternation to find that their very defense 
was their destruction. 

So loyal were they to the parent government that, 
even in the face of their injuries, they repeated their 
attestations of submission to any federal law or authority, 
and were willing even, at the command of government, to 



16 KANSAS — HER STRUGGLE 

deliver up arry of their men, or of their arms, and yet 
those same United States forces, under positive orders, 
stood by and defended the savages in their plunder, and 
arson, and murder, at Lawrence. And when the same 
outraged men were gathering at Topeka to avenge them- 
selves upon their invaders, then the United States forces 
were ready to prevent their organizing. But I arraign 
the powers that be more for what they have not done 
than for what they have. They have not protected their 
good and loyal subjects. Only one word from the com- 
mander-in-chief to that United States fort would have 
been enough to have saved all this outrage, and disgrace, 
and blood. If the invaders had been warned that the 
United States would protect her citizens upon her own 
national territory, they would never have dared what 
they did ; or, if they did, once would have been enough. 
Freemen are there shot down and their murderers allowed 
to go at large. When Kozta, only a partially natural- 
ized citizen, was jeoparded in his rights, the United 
States government was very quick to furnish him redress ; 
when some poor slave has got out of his yoke of bondage, 
and is making his way to some land of liberty, orders 
from head-quarters tingle along the wires to every £>art 
of the country to catch the poor, degraded, despised 
victim of oppression. But to defend a freeman in Kansas 
is beyond the power of the United States, just because 
it is beyond their disposition. Many an American, 
traveling in the old world, has complained of the annoy- 
ance of passes from country to country. But we have 
now got far beyond this, for here a freeman, to travel in 
his own territory, must get a pass from some United 
States officer ; and even that is violated, and the violation 
submitted to by the authorities. A judge upon the 



AND HER DEFENSE. 



17 



bench, a tool of the administration, makes up his jury, 
and alters and fills it up, all upon the simple principle of 
empanneling other tools of the slave power, and then he 
charges them to find every man guilty of treason who 
has done just what he was invited to do, just what other 
territories have done, just what many precedents have 
authorized, viz : organizing a State government, with 
constitution and laws. 

But the greatest outrage of all is the attempt to enforce 
the laws of that pseudo-legislation. In comparison with 
these, the laws of Draco are redeemed from the single 
notoriety they have had for the last twenty-four hundred 
years. 

These laws make it a death offense to carry away any 
slave from his master to make him free, and also a death 
offense to aid in persuading any slave to escape for his 
freedom. It is a felony punishable by five years' impris- 
onment at hard labor, to print, circulate or publish any 
book, paper, pamphlet or magazine containing any senti- 
ment calculated to induce slaves to escape from their 
masters. 

It is likewise a felony for any free person, by speaking 
or writing, to assert that persons have not the right to 
hold slaves there, or to circulate any book containing any 
denial of the right of any person to hold slaves in the 
territory. 

By these laws, no person ''conscientiously opposed to 
holding slaves " is allowed to sit on jury. All officers of 
the territory are obliged to swear to sustain the Fugitive 
Slave Law and the organic law of the territory. And 
all persons are required to take an oath to support the 
Fugitive Slave Law before they are allowed to vote. 
According to these laws it would be death to do what 
3 



18 KANSAS— HER STRUGGLE 

many of this congregation have done, to hide the outcast, 
help him on his way, to feed the hungry, to clothe the 
naked. Freedom of speech, freedom of thought and free- 
dom of the press are all smitten down at once. Jeffer- 
son would be a felon in Kansas, to say to a slave " I have 
sworn, upon the altar of my God, eternal hostility to 
tyranny in every form, over the mind and body of man." 

Patrick Henry would be a felon, to say, in the pres- 
ence of a slave, "Give me liberty or give me death." 
Ah, it would be felony there to read to slaves, or circu- 
late among them, a book containing these words of our 
Declaration: "All men are born free and equal, and 
endowed with the inalienable rights of life and liberty," 
— a felony to point a slave to that article of the Consti- 
tution which says, "We, the people, in order to establish 
justice," the inalienable right of man, " do ordain." And 
yet these are the laws which the federal authorities are 
trying to enforce upon the free consciences and free hearts 
of free men. But the crime is not so much that these 
laws were made by a false legislature, and that they are 
so horrid in themselves, as that they are approved and 
accepted by the United States government, which is 
demanding their enforcement. It is not the Border Ruf- 
fians that deserve our execration so much as the federal 
administration. They are only the secondary, while this 
is the primary. They are the tools, willing and obedient, 
of a corrupt power. The lions that rend the martyrs are 
not so much to blame as the public authorities that furnish 
them with their prey. 

And the embodiment of all this usurpation and tyranny 
is the chief magistrate of this Union. The Slave Oli- 
garchy have devised the scheme and dictated the meas- 
ures, but he is their willing; and obedient executive. The 



AND HER DEFENSE. 19 



powerful influence of his office, as president of one of 
the mightiest nations on the globe, is all subsidized in the 
support of such usurpation. 

The impersonated form of American liberty impeaches 
him of treason to freedom. The spirits of '76, in behalf 
of Kansas, impeach him of all the tyranny of the British 
king. " He has sent hither swarms of officers to harrass 
our people, and eat out their substance. He has com- 
bined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign 
to our Constitution, giving his assent to their acts of pre- 
tended legislation. He has abdicated government here 
by declaring us out of his protection and waging war 
against it. He has excited domestic insurrection among 
us and endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontier 
the merciless savages. Our repeated petitions have been 
answered only by repeated injury." All these charges 
have a "fearful particularity" in the executive oppressions 
of Kansas. 

My hearers, leaving now this struggling people, despair- 
ing of rightful protection from this Democratic tyrant, let 
us follow her, all bloody and scarred, yet cheerful and 
buoyant, with her Republican Constitution in her hand, 
up to seek redress and protection by admission into the 
Union of States. She knocks at the door of the Senate, 
not with a tremulous hand, but confident in the righte- 
ousness of her cause. She is not welcomed in ; she is 
repulsed; objections of informality are trumped up by the 
same omnipresent enemy that had crushed her at home. 
In the modesty of her virgin character she is ridiculed 
and tormented. But there the champions of Freedom 
espouse her cause. And now it is the time for the son 
of Massachusetts to stand up in defense of free Kansas. 
In the dignity and grandeur of a noble man and a true 



20 KANSAS— HER STRUGGLE 

patriot, himself the very impersonation of Freedom, for 
two days he stood upon the basis of free speech and plead 
the cause of the new State. In words of burning light 
he described the crime against her, the concentration of 
desertion, conspiracy, invasion and murder, " and ending 
at last in the perfect subjugation of a generous people 
to an unprecedented usurpation. Turning aghast from 
the crime, which, like murder, seemed to confess itself, 
' with most miraculous organ,' " he canvassed with " min- 
gled shame and indignation the four apologies of tyranny, 
of imbecility, of absurdity and infamy, in which it had 
been wrapped, marking especially the false testimony, 
congenial with the original crime against the Emigrant 
Aid Society." Then he "noted in succession the four 
remedies, of tyranny, of folly, of injustice and civil war, 
and of justice and peace," which last was sustained as 
the only true remedy. The enemy were confounded ; 
the shame of their crime was exposed ; their arguments, 
and evasions, and sophistries were annihilated; their 
remedies were stamped with execration, and themselves, 
pierced with the arrows of exposure and riven by the 
lightning-flashes of truth, were filled with malice and 
rage at their own imbecility compared with that Colossus 
of American grandeur. 

But still the slave power must triumph ; if not in one 
way, it must in another ; and so an armed savage creeps 
into the Senate Chamber and falls upon his victim, giving 
him no chance for self-defence, knocks him down upon 
the floor with one stunning blow, and then continues to 
pound that senseless body until his bludgeon was beaten 
into shivers. This attack had many aggravations, with 
not one single mitigation. It was premeditated. An- 
other ruffian stood by brandishing a cane, with a pistol 



AND HER DEFENSE. 21 

under his skirt, to keep off a defense. Douglas, of 
giant infamy, stood by with his hands in his pocket. 
It was upon the Senate floor, aplace consecrated to 
free speech and personal safety. The victim was a 
most perfect gentleman, almost the idol of the North, 
so that the blows laid upon him were meant for every 
Northern freeman. The ruffian dared to appear in his 
seat the next morning with a self-justification. The 
Senate appointed merely a milk-and-water committee to 
look into the matter. It was a direct expression of insult 
and contempt for Massachusetts ; but most ignominiously 
of all, it was a blow deliberately and intentionally aimed 
at free speech and freedom in the North. It was no 
freak of passion ; it w T as no hasty accident in the heat of 
debate ; it was a predetermined plan for the slave-driving 
South to try its lash upon the noblest specimen of the 
Northern freeman. It was meant to teach the North who 
their masters are. 

This and the Kansas crime reveal a new step in the 
policy of slavery : that physical force must and shall be 
used to carry out its measures. The instigator of all 
this crime, a short time since, ventured to divulge the 
secret policy, when he declared to this first victim, " We 
will subdue you, sir;' and no one knows but this very thing- 
was in his mind at the time. Every man of the Slave 
Oligarchy in the House and in the Senate voted against 
a committee even to enquire into this outrage, and their 
language was, " Brooks has done right ;" " Sumner has 
got what he deserves." A court subsidized by slavery let 
the ruffian loose upon the paltry bail of $500. The South- 
ern press teems with approval of the conspirators and with 
the foulest vituperation of the unfortunate man. They 
say this is the only way the Abolitionists can be controlled. 



22 KAXSAS— HER STRUGGLE 

They recommend to follow it up upon Seward and others. 
Indeed a testimonial is to be presented from his own con- 
stituents to the cowardly assassin. When the murderer 
Herbert came into the House to take his seat, every 
representative from a Slave State, and every supporter 
of the Administration save one, voted that the matter of 
a murder by a Southerner was not worth inquiring into. 
When a veteran editor, because of his tendencies toward 
freedom, was beaten upon the grounds of the capitol by a 
Southern member, the subject was not even referred to 
in the House which had been so disgraced by the insolent 
bully. 

Thus slavery has w&rJced itself out. Those inhuman 
laws of Kansas ; the determination to force slavery into 
a territory against the wishes of the actual citizens ; the 
power that is used to crush out liberty from that region, 
and the recent demonstrations at Washington — all these 
but furnish an illustration to the world of what slavery 
is ; and perhaps for this reason God has suffered these 
men to act out its spirit. Slavery is based upon force, 
and causes slaveholders to rely upon force for its defense ; 
and force it will use, whether upon black man or white 
man, whether South or North. 

Besides, slavery has now divulged its long secret plan 
to subvert the principles and ultimately to change the form 
of our government; to drive freedom of the press, of 
speech — all freedom — out of the land. Already she has 
turned the whole North into a hunting ground for slaves, 
and subsidized for this work every national officer. Al- 
ready she has insolently declared that she will call the 
roll of her slaves in the shadow of Bunker Hill Monu- 
ment. Already she demands, and it is feared the Su- 
preme Court will grant the demand, to bring her slaves 



AND HER DEFENSE. 23 

unmolested to the North, to remain here as long as she 
pleases. Already she has torn up the landmark of 
freedom, and taken possession of a mighty domain of 
free soil. Already she has announced and commenced 
the work of subduing the North. 

Thus we have sketched the struggle between slavery 
and freedom in this country, from the beginning to the 
present crisis. Inherently antagonistic, there has been 
a perpetual hostility between them. Slavery has been 
making continual aggressions, and in every attack has 
been successful. In the struggle, freedom has not gained 
one substantial victory. And every triumph of slavery 
has been increasingly flagrant. Every success has em- 
boldened its insolence ; the Slave Oligarchy don't know 
what it is to be defeated, while freedom has become ac- 
customed to humiliations and submissions. Nor is this 
crisis the ultimatum, the climax of Southern usurpation. 
It is but the sounding of the second angel, by which " a 
great mountain, burning with fire, was cast into the sea." 
An invading army of slavery is cast into Kansas ; and 
when shall that sea of blood be dried up ? There remain 
yet five angels to sound. 

BUT WHAT MUST WE DO ? 

The first thing is, to prat/ to God. 

That is a species of practical atheism prevailing at 
present which separates God from the governorship of 
nations, and makes Him indifferent to their conduct. 
Nothing is clearer than that for the first 4000 years of 
our race God gave especial attention to the management 
of nations and of governments. He dealt with nations in 
prosperity and in judgment, with rewards and with pun- 
ishments, just as He did with individuals. He dealt with 



24 KANSAS— HER STRUGGLE 

them hy name and by character. He dealt with nations 
and with national sins. He delivered oppressed nations 
from their oppressors. He exalted and He debased. 
And did the closing of the canon of scripture close God's 
connection with nations for care and for government ? 
The history of the Christian era is as full of the marks 
of God's dealing with nations as the era of inspiration. 
In the origin of this nation God's hand is as distinctly 
seen as in the origin of the Jewish nation. The devel- 
opment of the Revolution was a peculiar and emphatic 
mark of the hand of God, as much as the deliverance of 
Israel. The mission God gave this nation for freedom 
and religion was as distinct as the mission of the Jews in 
Palestine. God designed this nation for a model of gov- 
ernment, for the herald of universal freedom, for the mis- 
sionary of the world. For this purpose He has given us 
unwonted power and prosperity. For this purpose He 
has given us the influence and standing of one of the 
mightiest nations on the globe. 

But God sees that we have not fulfilled our mission. 
The independence which He secured to us we have not 
used in spreading liberty, but rather the power and pros- 
perity He has given us has been prostituted to the fur- 
therance of despotism. In the very heart of our domain 
and of our government has grown up the vilest system 
of usurpation and tyranny that God ever looked upon. 
God's image has been debased in the person of His poor 
enslaved. God's authority has Jbeen contemned. Our 
very religion has been made to throw its sacred mantle 
over this God-defying system. Our very Constitution, 
that was ordained to secure liberty, has been impressed 
to secure, intensify and extend slavery. Never were a 
nation so ungrateful as we have been. And does God 



AND HER DEFENSE. 25 

not regard this ? Does He not feel this insult and dis- 
honor ? I believe God is greatly incensed at this nation. 
He has a controversy with us. how great has been 
His forbearance ! Not only has the South usurped this 
iniquity, but the North have yielded to it when it was 
in their power to have prevented it all. The North have 
stood by and seen the despoiling of liberty with scarcely 
a remonstrance — yea, the body of the North have joined 
hands with man-stealers and with the betrayers of Amer- 
ican freedom. 

We have alloived the encroachments of slavery. We 
have suffered the pillaging of the citadel of our liberties. 
We deserve to be slaves, and God knows it ; and so He 
has allowed the recent demonstration to make us feel 
what the slaves have long been suffering. God has allow- 
ed the Border Ruffian and the national assassin to try 
the lasso of slavery upon the necks of freemen, to give 
us warning. God has been trying to save us, as a nation, 
from infamy. He has been trying to rouse us to a sense 
of our responsibility and our guilt, by holding the burn- 
ing sun of His goodness before the icy mountain of our 
ingratitude. He has been trying to stimulate our national 
pride by leaving us the last nation in the support of bond- 
age. He has been trying to make our national greatness 
put us to shame for our nation's disgrace. God has 
allowed the South to go on with a long succession of out- 
rages and enormities that have exhausted all power of 
insult and injury, in order to arouse the North to inde- 
pendence. But all to no effect. At last He is compelled 
to allow the whisperings, yea, the muttering thunders 
of civil war to greet our ears. That we may be warned 
of our own coming degradation and enthraldom, He has 
brought us to taste the bitter portion of those whom we 
4 



20 KANSAS— HER STRUGGLE 



have neglected and despised. God is threatening His 
judgments. Can He he appeased? Yes. And how? 
By our repentance and doing our duty henceforth. Some 
of us have mourned over these things. But " how deep 
would that mourning go if we should arise ahove our 
national pride and national self-complacency, and look at 
our guilt as it appears before God ! " We must repent 
and mourn for our sins in the sight of God. 

Then we can again appeal to Him for help as our fath- 
ers did. Then we can have God on our side ; and this 
must be, or all our plans will fail. We must seek to please 
God first of all. We must put ourselves into His plans ; 
we must then do all His designs require. A most hope- 
ful feature of the present crisis is, that it has driven the 
praying ones to God. They feel shut up to Him. All 
at once our prayer meetings have for their burden the 
desire of help from God for Kansas and for freedom. All 
at once the spirit of our public worship resolves itself 
into an acknowledgement of the sovereignty of God, into 
humiliation before Him and imploration of His help. 

We must pray for the slaves ; we must pray for our 
brethren in Kansas ; we must pray that God would lay 
His hand upon their enemies ; we must pray God to nul- 
lify the counsel of our rulers ; we must pray for wisdom 
to direct us what to do. 

But, besides uniting in prayer, we must be united in action. 
This has always been our defeat, that we were not united. 
The South are a unit upon this subject. No side issues are 
allowed to interrupt the harmony or massiveness of their 
action. In solid phalanx they march for " one idea," and 
that it is that has always secured them victory. But in 
the North various issues have distracted our movements. 
And we have had different methods for our different 



AND HER DEFENSE. 27 



issues. But has not the time come for us to lay aside all 
minor differences and unite upon the one, only, grand 
issue, of national freedom? All other questions are 
swallowed up in this. There is no other leading issue 
before the people of the United States — there is none 
other in Congress. The South unite because slavery is 
the basis of their system; it is, to them, their all. But, 
is not freedom as much the basis of our system ? and is 
not that, to us, our all ? The rapid, lengthy, hastening 
strides of the slave power are compelling us to this; 
there is no other way for us. It is for ourselves, liberty 
or slavery. The Slave Oligarchy that have so long ruled 
this government hate freedom, only for themselves ; they 
hate the free institutions of the North, and they are de- 
termined to make an end of them. And in their exter- 
mination they mean to be no respecters of persons. This 
they have shown by making the man who was the first 
among us and nearest our hearts the first victim of na- 
tional assassination. The meaning of that act, as respects 
Northern freemen, was the same as when Nero " wished 
that the whole people of Rome had but one neck, so that 
he could kill them all at one blow." We are then looked 
upon as a unit, by our enemies, and shall we not be a unit, 
for our mutual defense ? 

Some have been a long time enlisted in this cause, and 
they have fought for it as best they could ; but this is 
now no time for them to complain of past grievances, or 
throw stones upon the new recruits. They have labored 
long to get slavery before the people as the issue, and 
now just that is coming to pass. Behold the fruit of 
labor ! Neither is it any longer the time for those more 
recently joining this issue, to stigmatize those more radi- 
cal as "Abolitionists" No man in this country has done 



28 KANSAS— HER STRUGGLE 

so much to redeem this title from reproach as Charles 
Sumner. And it is destined yet to become a title of 
honor — all the more noble for the odium heaped upon it. 
At the ballot box we must be united. We must vote for 
principles and for principles in our men. That little box 
has been styled the palladium of our liberties. It is the 
home of our freedom ; it is the right arm of our power ; 
it is the repository of our God-given rights. We must 
protect it more sacred than the ancients their household 
deities. We must use it under a sense of our responsi- 
bility to God, to our country and to humanity. 

Is there no danger in this quarter, and no need of union 
at the ballot box and in its defense, when just the thing 
which was done at the Kansas election has been done in 
the State north of us by the same southern power which 
foisted a bogus governor, a tool of slavery, into the chair 
of freemen's sovereignty? 

The same will be done in Illinois, and Massachusetts, 
and all our States, if we do not unite to check the en- 
croachments of this insolent despotism. But what shall 
we do for our brethren in Kansas, whose liberties have 
been throttled, whose property is destroyed, and whose 
lives are in jeopardy ? 

After calm deliberation I am prepared to answer, 
Defend them by force. 

The matter is reduced simply to a question of self-de- 
fense. That principle God has put within us ; it is a 
responsibility of our divine constitution. I need not 
argue it. A wife and a babe look to me for protection, 
and I am untrue to my manhood, unfaithful to my God, 
if I do not defend them in time of peril. An armed 
invasion directed by the slave power is determined to 
drive freedom and freemen out of Kansas, by powder 



AND HER DEFENSE. 29 

and ball. To defend these thousands of freemen there, 
or even to defend freedom for Kansas alone, is not the 
question. That were enough ; but the principle of our 
American liberties is again brought to the test. It is the 
same issue over again which our fathers in the Revolution 
met and decided so gloriously. It is the issue of despot- 
ism against our national freedom. I can put it upon no 
other basis. The enemy comes from a different quarter, 
but is still the same enemy of our American liberty. 
Indeed it seems more imperious than that noble move- 
ment. There are much greater grievances ; there are 
greater aggravations ; there is more at stake. The num- 
ber of persons in abject chattel slavery is now greater 
than the original number who fought for freedom ; then 
there are, besides, 20,000,000 of freemen to be defended. 
Kansas has become the Thermopylae of our national 
freedom. Her defeat is our defeat. Weighty events in 
history are made to turn upon single points. A victory 
of three hundred Spartans decided the fortune of a 
mighty nation. A Gideon, with three hundred chosen 
men, made an era in the history of Israel. The South- 
ern Oligarchy have chosen the battle field and the time : 
Kansas, and now. The taking of Sevastopol decided the 
result of a war in which nearly all the nations of Europe 
were embroiled. Kansas is now the Sevastopol of wa- 
vering despotism and freedom. If we meet the issue 
there it may save us hundreds of battles all along the 
line of our free domain. For this is the question : Shall 
we defend ourselves in Kansas now, or wait till Illinois 
is in jeopardy? The same policy and power that opened 
a passage for slavery into Kansas through the Missouri 
Compromise can just as well, by and by, annul the Ordi- 
nance of 1787, and then we shall have to see Kansas 



30 KANSAS— HER STRUGGLE 

scenes enacted all over these five glorious North-Western 
States. It is not only the question of the freedom of the 
black slaves, but whether we ourselves shall be reduced 
to a more degraded bondage than our fathers were deliv- 
ered from. We may as well look at the matter calmly 
now, and decide whether we will be freemen or slaves. 

We, the people of the United States, have united 
together for mutual protection — we have appointed an 
agent to perform that function for us — that agent is our 
national government ; and now that our agent has failed 
to protect a part of our commonwealth, whose is the 
business and whose the responsibility to defend them but 
ourselves ? If we do not, we make ourselves responsible 
to Kansas for all the wrongs of the government. Yes, 
who are the sovereigns — the people, or the government ? 
Has that old American idea of individual royalty died 
out of our blood, and out of our principles ? 

Besides, the unborn millions that are to swarm across 
the continent from Kansas to the Pacific, will look to 
us as the authors of their blessings, or their miseries, 
according as we now decide for that territory. There 
are to be six new States there by and by — New Mexico, 
Oregon, Washington, Utah, Nebraska and Kansas — and 
their fate will, in all probability, be decided by the result 
now. These embryo States are like lambs huddled 
together in a thicket, while wolves, hungry and fierce, 
prowl about them, now that they have got a taste of 
blood. Shall we deliver those innocents out of the jaws 
of wild beasts? Are we always to be satisfied with 
mere impulse and indignation ? Is it enough, with pro- 
voking ludicrousness, ever to be whining our grievances 
without redressing them ? We blustered when Texas was 
received, but we did nothing else. We denounced the 



AND HER DEFENSE. 31 

Mexican war, but no more. We boiled over at the Fugi- 
tive Slave law, and soon all was quiet again. We became 
highly excited at the Nebraska perfidy, but very soon 
quietly acquiesced. And now our indignation is up to 
boiling point, and shall we do any thing more ? Or shall 
we sink ourselves loAver in our own self-respect, and 
deeper in the contempt of all who look upon us, by cool- 
ing off again into acquiescence ? 

Are we to be content with the single notoriety of in- 
famy in being the last of all the nations in upholding 
slavery, or rather in becoming ourselves slaves ? France, 
England and Denmark have abolished their slavery ; and 
so Morocco, and Tunis, and Madagascar. Austria, Rus- 
sia and Turkey are all following. To us alone belongs 
the hateful championship. 

Self-defense is the only way to preserve peace. Imbe- 
cility now will encourage further aggression. Firmness 
will vanquish bravado. I believe there is a moral force 
in Sharpe's rifles. The proof is at Lawrence ; her prepa- 
ration and her readiness to defend herself did what no 
negotiation, no entreaty, no argument coidd do. At 
the second attack moral suasion was tried without rifles, 
and their town was destroyed and citizens murdered. 
The influence of merely moral means upon such men is 
seen by the impression made upon them by that magnifi- 
cent effort of argument and oratory which only secured 
at their hands the pounding of the massive brain that 
conceived it. Anything like a respectable self-defense 
will secure respect and safety. 

When a wicked government had put forth an edict for 
the entire destruction of the Jewish nation, Esther and 
Mordecai set the people all to praying. That was just 
right; but they also put weapons into their hands for 



32 KANSAS — HER STRUGGLE 

defense, and their prayers were only answered in the use 
of those weapons. Those who did not use the means of de- 
fense did not have their prayers answered. A missionary 
has just written from Turkey, where he says he is more 
free to publish the gospel than he would he in half of 
the United States, " If the sword was rightly put into 
the hands of the sons of Levi, when Moses broke the 
tables and they slew three thousand of the idolatrous 
Israelites, if in that case they might slay every man his 
brother and every man his neighbor, how much more 
clearly may the sons of freedom in Kansas calmly pro- 
tect their wives and homes from coward brutes." If 
Neheniiah. and his men might justifiably carry a weapon 
in one hand to defend themselves from the border ruffians 
while they built the walls of Jerusalem with the other, 
may not our brethren who are building the wall of free- 
dom in Kansas, likewise defend themselves from savage 
foes ? And is it not our duty to go and help them, even 
as whole companies came up from Babylon to assist Nehe- 
miah ? The North have forborne for a long time ; they 
have long submitted for the sake of peace. But their 
forbearance will by and by give out, and their pent-up, 
fiery indignation, which has long been accumulating, and 
only intensified by the pressure, will by and by " burst 
forth into a volcano of terror," as in the words of our text, 
"And at the time of the end" of their forbearance, "shall 
the King of the South push at him, and the King of the 
North shall come against him like a whirlwind, with char- 
iots, and with horsemen and with many ships, and he shall 
enter into the countries, and shall overflow and pass over." 
If the South still persist in rushing this nation on to 
civil war, that " whirlwind " will sweep from Mason & 
Dixon's to Florida ; from the Alleghanies to the Rocky 



AND HER DEFENSE. 33 

Mountains. The South are rousing up a force now that 
they have never felt and they know little of. I mean 
the religious sentiment. Conscience keeps that feeling 
from organized warfare and from aggression ; hut when, 
after endurance is no longer a virtue, and conscience 
interposes no harriers to its courage, hut even hacks it 
up, giving a spell to all its audacity and fascination to its 
sanguine chivalry, there is a power that is perfectly irre- 
sistible. It is this that makes your Cromwells and your 
Round Heads. It is this that gives them their daring and 
success. Indeed, when has ever freedom made any ma- 
terial advance in the world which has not been conquered 
from a relentless tyranny ? And when has there ever 
been any achievement of liberty that did not suck its life 
from the blood of conscientious heroes ? 

Or where has there ever been any yielding of the grasp 
of despotism which was not wrenched from its very 
teeth ? The South, trained to drive, taught to subdue, 
tickled with authority, grown plethoric and insolent by 
chivalry, will probably never cease their oppression and 
tyranny until God sends some Moses to accomplish an- 
other exodus, through fire, and death, and wave ! God 
has been sending prosperity and mercy until the Pharaoh 
of slavery has already hardened himself beyond 'the indu- 
ration of his Egyptian namesake. And now he is trying 
the severer test of threatening war. But wo be the 
day when God leads forth His people from the midst of 
wailings from every house, from the palace of Pharaoh 
to the little cabin of him who drives a single slave ! 

I do not counsel aggression and insubordination, but I 
do counsel self-preservation through the defense of Kan- 
sas. I do counsel the raising of money and men to send to 
their distress — " settlers who will invade no man's rights, 
5 



34 KANSAS — HER STRUGGLE 



but mil maintain their own." Why do you praise the 
deeds of your fathers and boast your descent from the 
blood of '76 ? It is because they were Christian patriots, 
the world's benefactors. Be worthy sons of your worthy 
sires. And why do you men always sit at the head of 
your slips in church, with so much uniformity that it has 
become an irreversible fashion ? The habit is said to 
have come down from your fathers, who worshipped God 
while thus they sat with their family under one arm for 
protection and their other arm upon a musket, ready to 
defend themselves against a sudden foe. May not, then, 
their children truly worship the same God, and yet stand 
ready to defend themselves where they have gone to 
plant and cultivate the Puritan principles upon the plains 
of Kansas ? 

The closing words of that mangled orator whose sweet 
reverberations of liberty and humanity have scarcely died 
out of our ears, I am happy to adopt : 

" In just regard for free labor in that territory, which 
it is sought to blast by unwelcome association with slave 
labor ; in Christian sympathy with the slave, whom it is 
proposed to task and to sell there ; in stern condemnation 
of the crime w r hich has been consummated on that beau- 
tiful soil ; in rescue of fellow citizens now subjugated to 
a tyrannical usurpation ; in dutiful respect for our early 
fathers, whose aspirations are now ignobly thwarted ; in 
the name of the Constitution, which has been outraged — 
of the laws trampled down — of justice banished — of hu- 
manity degraded — of peace destroyed — of freedom crush- 
ed to the earth, and in the name of the Heavenly Father, 
whose service is perfect freedom, I make this last appeal." 



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